Originally published here.

This thesis explores some of the individual attitudes and choices which may explain differing patterns in women's work in England and France. Women's work, however, cannot be considered outside the context of their family lives, and there exist important differences between England and France in terms of the structures in place to facilitate the combining of paid work and family commitments. It is proposed that these are related to broader social and economic structures which characterise the countries concerned, and the family and gender roles assumed by them. The question addressed, therefore, is the relationship between work identity and female identity.

This is examined by comparing full-time working women, both single and with families, in the two countries. Since the question concerns meanings rather than frequencies, quantitative methods such as surveys are rejected in favour of a triangulated methodology combining repertory grid, Twenty Statements Test and indepth interview. The results from each of these are reported separately. There is strong convergence within and clear differences between national groups, regardless of marital status. French and English groups are both committed to working, but this takes different forms in the two countries. The French women define themselves equally in terms of work, personal relationships and social lives, with relatively little conflict between them. For the English women, work identity comes first, there is more conflict between work and family roles and more tension in personal relationships.

This may partly be accounted for by the English women's greater concern with career progression and personal advancement, which is more likely to conflict with family roles. The findings are related to broader issues of economic, social and family policy, historical factors, religious traditions and attitudes towards gender and equality. These themselves are seen as reflecting more general ideologies in the countries concerned. Finally, there is a consideration of questions raised by the study, and suggestions for further research.

The starting point for this study was the differing employment patterns of women in Britain and France, with that of French women showing continuous activity and British women dropping out of employment to rear children, resuming work once their children were grown. This investigation set out to examine women's attitudes towards work and family in the two countries, in order to relate these patterns to individual choices and the larger institutional factors which might determine them. Schmidt (1993) argues that what has been neglected in research on participation rates is a truly comparative framework and satisfactory explanations for the crosscountry differences in labour force participation, particularly the institutional determinants of such differences. He lists as examples of such institutional determinants taxation, economic policy, the role of the unions, the political composition of government, the political representation of women, employment structure, religious traditions and attitudes towards gender. It is a consideration of such issues which this study provides.

Initially it was suggested that the principle explanation for differences in women's employment in England and France lay in economic structure: earlier industrialisation in England and the relatively late persistence of the family economy in France. While this remains a plausible explanation on the strength of the findings presented here, it is clearly not the only factor. Economic policy (in terms of housing, for example), social policy (family allowances and childcare), trade union acceptance or resistance, religious traditions and attitudes towards gender have all been implicated. What is suggested, however, is that none of these influences alone can account for the differences found. Each of these factors itself reflects more general ideologies of the countries concerned. In the case of women's work, for example, argument in Britain has centred on the provision of childcare. But Belgium, which enjoys state provision of childcare equal to that in France, has a female activity rate similar to those of Greece and Portugal: that is, high rates only for single women, with others stopping work definitively after marriage or childbirth. It becomes necessary therefore to look to more general ideologies concerning gender relations, the family and the role of women to explain such phenomena.

The importance of this study lies in its demonstration that such ideologies are reflected in the identities, attitudes and behaviours of individuals. What it cannot do is say to what extent those individual beliefs and behaviours determine, or are determined by, such ideologies and institutions. The strong convergence of attitudes within the national groups examined here, suggests that the institutional influence comes first, through childrearing practices, education (in its broadest sense), religion and the State, for example.

But what determines such institutional difference between cultures? Is it, as the Annales historians would argue, ultimately the exigencies of climate and geography? Such questions are perhaps untestable - but uncovering patterns and linking material from different sources in the manner of the present stud}' may go some way to furthering understanding. At a more immediate level, this study raises several questions for further research. As has been stressed above, since they are based on a small number of respondents the findings presented here cannot be generalised to a larger "population" There is however enough consistency within, and differences between, national groups to suggest that these may represent differences in national and cultural identity which could be examined on a larger scale. The number of respondents represented here is not only small, it is also highly selective.

To what extent are the findings here reflected in the attitudes of women working in different sectors, at different levels, or at different stages in the lifecycle? How docs the identity of the women here differ from that of women who choose to stay at home to look after children, or choose to work part-time? To what extent are these free choices, and to what extent are they determined by the social and institutional factors outlined above? In particular, much of the discussion here has centred on differing ideologies concerning the family and gender roles. What of men, therefore? Do their identities, beliefs and attitudes also reflect these differing ideologies? Of particular interest is the differing patterns of gender relations in the two countries: the French women in this study appear to have maintained relations with their partners after having children, whereas for the English women relations with partners have largely broken down.

Is this a more general phenomenon in the two countries, and if so, how does it come about? How is the culture of the couple in France transmitted and internalised? It has been emphasised in earlier chapters that the aim of a study of this kind is to generate hypotheses rather than test them. In addition, since there was no similar previous work on which to draw, this study constitutes an initial step which is necessarily descriptive, rather than explanatory, in nature. Any relationships and extrapolations are speculative, therefore, suggesting links from which explanations may follow. What has been uncovered are differences which need to be investigated further by means of the kinds of questions suggested above. This, therefore, is only a beginning ...

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